Gwadar district,
with its 600 kilometres long coast line and un-irrigated tracts of Kulanch and Dasht valleys, has always been an important chapter of
Makran’s history. The known history of Makran goes back to the time
of prophet Dawood when people entombed themselves to avoid famine.
The area is said to be possessed by Iranian King Kaus followed by
Afrasiab of Turan and then by Kai Khusrau, again an Iranian. Then
there is a long list of rulers, including Lehrasp, Gushtasp, Bahman,
Huma and Darab, to the year 325 BC when Alexander the Great
incidentally found the sea in this area on his way from India to
Macedonia. Greek historian Arrian has mentioned the coast line as
the country of Ichthyophagoi.
At that time Nearchos, the admiral of
Alexander, sailed along the coast and mentioned places named Kalmat,
Gwadar, Pishukan and Chahbar. Afterwards, the area was ruled by
Seleukos Nikator, one of Alexander’s generals, who lost it to
Chandragupta in 303 BC. Then the tract of history is lost in
darkness for centuries. An account of this area is found in the
beginning of the sixteenth century when the Portuguese found their
way to India and captured several places along the Makran coast. In
1581 they burnt "the rich and beautiful city of Pasni" and Gwadar.
Although many invaders conquered the land, mostly the local rulers,
including Hots, Rinds, Maliks, Buledais and Gichkis, exercised
authority in the area as the conquerors had no intentions to stay
there.
Two regimes of
local rulers, of Buledais and Gichkis, are worth mentioning here.
The Buledais gained power with the rise of the Zikri sect. These
rulers are said to be connected with the rulers of Maskat and were
called Buledais with reference to the valley of Buleda where they
resided. The Buledais ruled the area for more than a century up to
the year 1740. In the last years of their regime they embraced
Islam. The Zikri folk joined hands with the Gichkis who also were
Zikris by faith. The family feuds and internal dissension between
Gichkis resulted in nine successful expeditions (either partially or
fully) by Mir Nasir Khan I. It is said, that the main motive behind
all these expeditions, made by Mir Nasir Khan I, was to eliminate
the Zikris as he belonged to the (anti-Zikri) Muslim faith. These
expeditions resulted in a division of revenues between the Khan and
Gichkis.
In the last
quarter of the eighteenth century, Gwadar and the surrounding
country fell into the hands of Maskat. Saiad Said succeeded to the
masnad of Muscat in 1783 and had a dispute with his brother Saiad
Sultan. The latter appears to have fled to Makran and entered into
communication with Nasir Khan who granted him the Kalat share of the
revenues of Gwadar. Saiad Sultan lived at Gwadar for some time and
eventually succeeded in usurping the Sultanate of Maskat in 1797. He
died in 1804 and during his sons reign, the Buledai chief of Sarbaz,
Mir Dosten, is said to have acquired temporary possession of Gwadar,
but a force sent from Maskat regained it. Although it is generally
understood that the right of sovereignty in Gwadar was transferred
by the Khans of Kalat to Maskat in perpetuity, the Khans and natives
of Gwadar have always denounced this perception. The un-irrigated
tracts of Kulanch and Dasht valleys have always been connected with
Kech.
The first Afghan
war (1838-39) directed attention of the British to the area. Major
Goldsmith visited the area in 1861 and an Assistant Political Agent
was appointed in Gwadar in 1863. Both Pasni and Gwadar have been
ports of call for the steamers of the British India Steam Navigation
Company. The first ever telegraphic link to this area was made in
1863 when Gwadar was linked to Karachi. Telegraph offices were
opened at Gwadar and Pasni. Later post offices were opened at Gwadar
in 1894 and at Pasni in 1903. Ormara was linked telegraphically in
1904.
After the
division of the Indian subcontinent into two sovereign states, areas
except Gwadar and its surroundings, joined the Balochistan States
Union, as part of Makran state. In early 1949 along with Kalat,
Lasbela and Kharan. In October 1955, Makran was given the status of
a district of former West Pakistan province after its accession to
Pakistan. In 1958, Gwadar and its surrounding area was reverted back
from Maskat to Pakistan and was made a tehsil of Makran district. On
1st July 1970, when one unit was dissolved and Balochistan gained
the status of a province, Makran became one of its 8 districts. On
1st July 1977, Makran was declared a division and was divided into
three districts, named Panjgur, Turbat (renamed Kech) and Gwadar.
Gwadar was notified as a district on July 1, 1977 with its
headquarters at Gwadar town.
A stone-built
domed shrine of some saint at Gwadar is said to be centuries old. It
may be the same one indicated in the Gazetteer of Balochistan. A
square fort along with a tower is present amidst the Memon Muhallah
of Gwadar. It is near the old bungalow of the Assistant Political
Agent to the Governor General (therefore renowned as governor’s
house). Moreover, the fort of Saiad Sultan is still in good
condition and is being used as a police station.
Gwadar City
Historically the
society in Gwadar was divided in three social strata, Hakims,
Balochs, and Hizmatgars, locally known as Darzadas or Golams. Hakims
constituted privileged class of the society as they were owners of
the land, free to kill any Baloch or Darzada without any fear of
blood compensation. Balochs being intermediary class were basically
pastoralists, partially settled and semi-agriculturists. They were
relatively in better position than Hizmatgars who were the lowest
socio-economic stratum of the society. This becomes visible by the
amount given for blood compensation which ranged from 2,000 to 3,000
rupees for a Baloch and from 500 to 1500 rupees for a Hizmatgar.
As a result of
social changes Hakims lost their influence as tribal chiefs and the
social class system gave way to economic compromises. Presently all
the inhabitants of the area are known by a common name, Baloch and
calling someone Darzada or Golam is considered as derogatory. But
the fact is that social class boundaries lost their existence
between Hakims and Balochs but not between these two dominant strata
and Hizmatgars. Hakims still believe in endogamy however now they
accept inter-marriages with Balochs. Some Balochs get married with
Hizmatgar girls, mainly due to the lesser amount of labb (bride
price) or haq mehr (dower) , but this is not a common practice.
As the society in
Gwadar is transforming into a semi-urban society, socio-cultural
change is on its way. Educational expansion has broken down old
chains and economic status has become the major determinant of
social status. This has affected the whole socio-cultural scenario.
Now the Hizmatgars have become a political force under various
political parties playing their effective role in electing
representatives to the constituent assemblies and local bodies
institutions.
In Gwadar
district society is structured on kinship basis. Tribal identity has
lost its importance and Baloch is a common
identity. All decisions are made at household level and no tribal
structure is present to make collective decisions. Communal
leadership is a function of aged people in the community. Sometimes
educated individuals are accepted as community leaders, specially in
collective welfare and development. Wealth does play some role in
political popularity but the people have elected educated
individuals from middle income group as their representatives in the
previous provincial and national assembly elections. Education and
social relationships are also basis of local leadership.
Unlike many other parts of Balochistan,
society here is liberal and there is no place at all for
authoritarian ethos or leadership. The vestiges of the sardari
system have been eliminated to a great extent. The tribal leaders,
sardars, nawabs, and kahodas, are still there but their role has
been minimised in politics or decision making. In case of conflict,
parties go to court of law instead of any tribal jirga. Political
consciousness is wide spread and all political decisions are made
individually or, at the maximum, at family level. However people do
co-operate in collective welfare activities, for example, people
have organised many football clubs in the area.
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